African Englishes

African American English (AAE) is a major linguistic system spoken by millions across the United States. Also referred to as Black Language, African American Language, and African American Vernacular English, AAE has its origins in the 17th century Atlantic slave trade. Competing scholarly theories about how it evolved are unlikely ever to be fully resolved. Considerable dialectal variation exists within AAE including various Caribbean English Creoles (Telford Rose et al., 2020; Washington et al., 2023) and Gullah Geechee English (Berry, 2025; Weldon, 2021).

Although AAE is the most extensively studied variety of U.S. English (Bloomquist et al., 2015), it remains widely misunderstood and stigmatized. Many Americans—including educators as well as African Americans—continue to view it as “incorrect,” substandard, or indicative of lower socio-economic status. Such prejudiced judgments contribute to negative educational outcomes and help explain the strong public backlash to the Oakland Ebonics resolution (Baugh, 2018; Rickford, 1999).

Concerns over educational outcomes for AAE-speaking children drove much of the early linguistic research on AAE in the 1960s and 1970s (Labov, 1967). Federally funded studies documented the systematic, rule-governed nature of AAE’s grammar, phonology, and lexicon in order to inform literacy instruction for AAE speakers (Labov et al., 1968). Researchers also identified the cultural bias embedded in standardized tests (Smitherman, 1977; Wolfram, 1991), explored the potential of dialect readers and other instructional methods such as drills and oral exercises (Feigenbaum, 1970; Simpkins et al., 1977; Starks, 1983; Stewart, 1964), and called for the inclusion of African American rhetorical and expressive traditions in classrooms (Ball, 1992; Foster, 1989; Hoover, 1991).

The fascination—and frequent controversy—surrounding African Englishes reveals three important points: (1) the strength of societal beliefs and opinions about language difference; (2) the extent of public misinformation about linguistic diversity; and (3) the critical need for accurate knowledge about language variation in both public life and educational contexts (Rickford & Rickford, 1995).

Early sociolinguistic research established African American English (AAE) as a systematic and rule-governed linguistic variety. Labov and colleagues’ (1968) landmark study of AAE and Puerto Rican English in New York City demonstrated the structural integrity of these varieties, while Wolfram’s (1969) comprehensive description of Detroit AAE further reinforced its systematic nature. In addition, Labov (1967) demonstrated how AAE-speaking students could experience reading difficulties when instruction relied exclusively on General American English (GAE; also referred to as Mainstream American English and Standard American English). Other scholars laid important groundwork for educational practice. For example, Stewart’s (1964) edited volume argued that successful teaching must build on children’s linguistic competencies rather than treating students’ language differences as deficiencies. Baratz and Shuy’s (1969) collection highlighted barriers to effective reading instruction for AAE-speaking students and the need for dialect-sensitive approaches. Within this context, Shuy (1969) rejected deficit views of AAE, advocating for linguistically appropriate beginning reading materials, while Wolfram and Fasold (1969) created sample passages tailored to AAE speakers for the purposes of reducing dialect-related barriers to literacy acquisition. Expanding these efforts, Baugh (1981) discussed guidelines for designing language arts programs for speakers of AAE and other English varieties that promote bidialectal competence.

Scholarship on African American English (AAE) spans linguistic structure, cultural meaning, and social identity. In Talkin and Testifyin (1977), Smitherman underscored the cultural and rhetorical richness of Black English, highlighting its role as a vital expression of African American identity. The Oxford Handbook of African American Language (Bloomquist et al., 2015) provides a comprehensive reference covering AAE’s structure, history, acquisition, educational implications, and its role in identity formation. Complementing this academic perspective, the documentary Talking Black in America (NC State University, 2019) explores the history, diversity, and resilience of African American Language. In Spoken Soul, Rickford and Rickford (2000) explain the cultural significance and rhetorical range of AAE, highlighting its role as a powerful marker of identity and creativity within African American communities. Similarly, Foster (1989) demonstrated how AAE functions as a resource for solidarity, cultural expression, and community building. Collectively, these works illustrate the linguistic vitality of AAE as both a scholarly field of study and a lived cultural practice.

Research on African American English (AAE) has consistently demonstrated a relationship between language variation, literacy development, and academic achievement. In Malik Goes to School, Craig and Washington (2006) synthesize decades of research investigating the relationship between children’s use of AAE and literacy development from preschool through elementary grades. A consistent finding was the association between higher dialect density (i.e., ratio of AAE features to spoken words) and lower reading performance. In addition, children’s ability to linguistically shift toward school-valued language (i.e., GAE) predicted better reading outcomes. Extending this work, Craig (2016) emphasized dialectal flexibility as a key mechanism in explaining reading outcomes for AAE speakers, arguing that students’ ability to navigate between AAE and GAE has significant implications for educational outcomes. Similarly, recent research has consistently found associations between higher AAE dialect density and lower reading outcomes in school-age children (e.g., Gatlin & Wanzek, 2015; Puranik et al., 2020; Washington et al., 2018).

Efforts to improve literacy instruction for African American English (AAE) speakers have included a variety of interventions focused on promoting bidialectalism. One early initiative was the Psycholinguistics Reading Series, which employed explicit, contrastive instruction through scaffolded lessons to develop bidialectal competence (Davis et al., 1968; Leaverton, 1971). Building on these efforts, Feigenbaum (1970) also recommended the use of contrastive analysis as a teaching tool, while treating AAE and GAE as equally valid linguistic systems. Simpkins, Holt, and Simpkins (1977) developed the Bridge: A Cross-Cultural Reading Program, designed to build linguistic connections between AAE and GAE for the purposes of improving reading outcomes. Students were provided texts in three versions – Black English, Transition, and Standard English. Despite encouraging results, publication of the Bridge program ceased due to objections from some parents and educators about the use of AAE in the classroom. The effectiveness and controversies of dialect readers were revisited by Rickford and Rickford (1995), who argued for their pedagogical validity when carefully implemented. Recent scholarship recommends implementation of translanguaging strategies in the classroom (e.g., García & Kleifgen, 2020; Jocelyn & Telford Rose, 2025; Washington & Seidenberg, 2021). This educational approach views linguistic variation as an asset, encouraging students to use their full linguistic repertoire to support learning. Teachers explicitly teach connections between students’ linguistic patterns and school-valued conventions while validating all dialects and languages as effective means of communication.

Other scholars focused on the broader educational implications of language ideology, for example Starks (1983) examined debates over Black English in education, advocating for culturally responsive practices. O. L. Taylor (1973) studied teachers’ attitudes toward nonstandard English, revealing how biases shaped instruction, and H. U. Taylor (1989) framed bidialectalism as a practical and necessary bridge between AAE and Standard English. Extending this perspective, Harris-Wright (1999) argued that enhancing bidialectal competence could support the academic success of African American students.

Recent research within the field of speech-language pathology has focused on linguistic variation within the child African diaspora and the need for culturally and linguistically sensitive approaches to language assessment, instruction, and intervention (Washington, 2025). For speakers of Jamaican Creole, Karem and Washington (2021) demonstrated that interpreting children’s responses against adult community models substantially improved the cultural and diagnostic appropriateness of standardized expressive grammar and vocabulary measures. In addition, Washington et al. (2023) provided methodological guidance (e.g., dynamic sampling, bilingual reference norms, adapted scoring procedures) to support accurate characterization of speech, language, and functional communication in Jamaican preschoolers. Franklin, Turner, Lindsay Nurse and Arline (2024) administered a common assessment of speech sound development to typically developing children who spoke Anguillian English. When using standard scoring, the vast majority of children were misclassified as disordered. Lindsay Nurse et al. (2025) outlined phonological features of Trinidadian English and Trinidadian English Creole and proposed a clinical framework for culturally and linguistically responsive speech sound assessment. Jocelyn and Telford Rose (2025) described a translanguaging intervention framework for Caribbean Creole speakers that leverages children’s full linguistic repertoires to strengthen clinical outcomes and encourage the maintenance of home languages. Berry (2025) highlighted the bilingual Gullah Geechee community, underscoring how supporting Creole bilingualism through culturally responsive teaching and bidialectal education promotes academic success and cultural
pride.

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